Robert Faurisson Tribute to Ernst Zundel

The great historical Revisionist Robert Faurisson’s tribute to his hero Ernst Zündel. Please share widely.
 
The slanted French newspaper Le Monde announces the death of Ernst Zündel
By
Robert FAURISSON
  August 14, 2017
 
Ernst Zündel
In its edition of Saturday, August 12, Le Monde published a long, two-column article by Thomas Wieder, a journalist whose devotion to the “Shoah” cult is well known. Entitled “Ernst Zündel, Holocaust denial publisher” and adorned with a photograph of the deceased, who died on August 5, its tone is set by the first two sentences:
The French Holocaust denier Robert Faurisson called him “dear friend”, considered him a “source of inspiration”, and said that he was “the man he admired most”. German publisher and pamphleteer Ernst Zündel, convicted several times for anti-Semitic propaganda and a Holocaust denier, died on Saturday, August 5 in Bade Wildbad in the Baden-Württemberg region, where he was born 78 years ago.
Two birds with one stone: Zündel and Faurisson were, as is seen, nothing but “deniers”. They denied. We shall understand by this that, apparently, they devoted their existence to denying the obvious. What, exactly, was obvious? Follow the gaze of Louis Dreyfus, Jérôme Fenoglio and Luc Bronner, who today preside over the destiny of Le Monde. Their newspaper does not know how to repair the “monumental blunder” it committed back in 1978. December 29, 1978 was, as they say, “The day Le Monde published Mr. Faurisson’s feature [on ‘the problem of the gas chambers’]” (the subject of an article by their “grand reporter” Ariane Chemin on August 20, 2012, reproduced in the book Le Monde, 70 ans d’histoire, Flammarion, 2014, 496 p.; p. 469-470).
Throughout Wieder’s article Zündel is described, either directly or by way of insinuation, as a pamphleteer, a propagandist, an unconditional Nazi, a “murderer of [Jewish] remembrance”, a pervert, a provocateur, a coward. In 1958 he had emigrated to Canada “to avoid being called to serve in the armed forces” of the Federal Republic of Germany. In Toronto, at his two great trials in 1985 and 1988, he had not been loath “to appear in court in a bulletproof vest, wearing a helmet with ‘freedom of speech’ written on it”. At the 1985 trial the “Holocaust denier” Faurisson had figured among his “witnesses”.
In fact, if my friend Ernst had emigrated to Canada at the age of 20, it was not in the least out of cowardice but rather out of disgust with war and things military. At that age he still lent full credence to what was peddled about on the “Nazi horrors” and on the essentially militaristic and criminal past of his homeland. He had thus become a pacifist, and would remain so all his life. In Canada there was no conscription, hence his choice of that country. Afterwards, he read, read very much, and ended up believing he must acknowledge that revisionist authors were right. He then became indignant that, during the two world wars, the Allies’ propaganda had been able to invent such lies about the “Boches” or the “Nazis”. If he showed up at his first trial in a helmet (and let’s specify: a construction site helmet!) and asked his companions to do the same, it was because of the several assaults and attempts on his life perpetrated by his opponents either with open force or more sneakily. Most of the time, as in France, the police or the guards on duty refused to protect “Nazis” (sic). From this standpoint, Ernst Zündel’s existence was an ordeal.
An arson attack devastated his house and a large part of the rich documentation needed for his defence. An explosive device was once sent to him through the mail: he had the good idea of handing it over to the police, who carried out a controlled detonation. Was I his “witness”? No: in the courts, I was the expert admitted to assist his barrister, the admirable Douglas Christie.
In English-speaking countries, in order to be designated as a court expert one must obligatorily undergo an arduous test before the judge, the jury, the prosecutor and the opposing counsel, who may intervene at any time: one must be able to show not only that one knows about a given subject (here, the history of the European Jews, particularly in the period from 1939 to 1945), but also that one can express oneself in a language plain enough for the simplest juror. Those two trials (that of 1985 lasted seven weeks, the one in 1988 a bit longer than four months) were a triumph for the revisionist cause and a disaster for the cause of Zündel’s opponents. Their official transcripts attest to this fact. In 1985, for example, Professor Raul Hilberg, the prime historian supporting the thesis of the “destruction of the European Jews”, suffered such a humiliation that he refused to appear at the 1988 trial, which proved even worse for the thesis defended by the Jewish organisations’ leaders (see my foreword to Barbara Kulaszka’s Did Six Million Really Die? Report of the Evidence in the Canadian “False News” Trial of Ernst Zündel – 1988, July 24, 1992).
Just like me, Zündel had respect for the true sufferings of the Jewish people. A man with a remarkably open mind and great insight, he had the ability to judge a person independently of the group to which he or she might belong. His enemies, prodigiously richer and more powerful than himself, were those Jewish or Zionist organisations that claimed to defend the Jews’ interests by waging a merciless war against revisionists. On the one hand, he was not lacking in Jewish friends and, on the other, he did not lose sight of the fact that some of his opponents could well be of good faith. Taking, for example, their belief in the figure of Six Million Jewish victims of Hitler, he noted that, from the second half of the nineteenth century (yes, from the 1860’s!), American newspapers, the New York Times at their head, had published numerous press releases from Jewish organisations reporting “At this moment, a dreadful massacre or pogrom of Jews is taking place in Europe [in Russia, Poland, Hungary, etc.]. Six million of our brothers and sisters are dying; your financial contribution is awaited”. When, in 1933, Hitler entered the scene and when “all Jewry declared war on him” (“Judea declares war on Germany”) – still more, of course, from September 1939 onwards –, the war drums beat the same slogan. In this regard, who can be surprised if millions of Jews of the time, accustomed for several generations to hearing it repeated that “Six million of our brothers and sisters are dying”, were able to believe that that was the truth? But it was a brazen lie. In 1946, at the Nuremberg trial, the judges, making their own contribution to this lie, attributed its invention to Adolf Eichmann himself (see, in my piece The Victories of Revisionism (continued) dated September 11, 2011, the section “The imposture of the Six Million. Wilhelm Höttl and the Nuremberg tribunal unmasked”).
I knew Ernst Zündel well. It so happens that on the eve of his death I telephoned him. In a long conversation, in which he shared some confidences that I shall perhaps reveal one day, I found a broken man, in despair on learning of the inexorable decision by a senior Jewish official in Washington to forbid him any access to US territory, thus any possibility of returning to the home of his wife, herself seriously ill. I first received the news of his death with a sense of relief. Two days later I thought of the friend I had lost and of his torturers, of the two years of solitary confinement in a Toronto prison in abominable conditions, then of his handing over to the German authorities, his conviction, in Mannheim, to a further five years’ imprisonment. I recalled a hundred details of the times spent with a man who was exceptional in his kindness, his humanity, his intelligence, his thoughtfulness at every instant for our companions in struggle, his good sense, his steadfastness, his moderation, his practicality.
Recently, in a homage to the man who, unbeknownst to all, was at death’s door, I wrote that throughout my trying existence I had, despite all, the satisfaction of having met at least one genius, Arthur Robert Butz, and at least one hero, Ernst Zündel, a peaceful hero, forever determined to fight against warmongering, war and its lies.
For the moment, I request to be allowed to leave things at that, at least for today. I must urgently retake my place aboard the revisionist galley, alongside other galley slaves equally resolved to row through the storm until death arrives. I must take as my example that hero who, even when broken, persisted in signing his letters “E. Zündel, unbowed”.
Note: I recommend a long obituary of Ernst Zündel written by the black American columnist Jonas E. Alexis on for the site Veterans Today (August 7). The comments also deserve a read.

Jews ran the Slave Trade

https://tobefree.wordpress.com/2017/08/17/talmudic-jewish-slave-ship-owners-not-white-christians/#comment-102442

Rabbi Marc Lee Raphael

Rabbi Marc Lee Raphael is the Nathan and Sophia Gumenick Professor of Judaic Studies, Professor of Religion, and Chair, Department of Religion, The College of William and Mary, and a Visiting Fellow of Wolfson College, Oxford University. He has been the editor of the quarterly journal, American Jewish History, for 19 years, and a visiting professor at Brown University, the University of Pittsburgh, HUC-JIR, UCLA, and Case Western Reserve University. He came to The College of William and Mary in 1989 after 20 years at Ohio State University. He is the author of many books on Jews and Judaism in America, and his most recent publication (with his wife Linda Schermer Raphael) is When Night Fell: An Anthology of Holocaust Short Stories (Rutgers University Press, 1999). He is now writing Judaism in America for the Contemporary American Series of Columbia University Press. Visit him at the website of his synagoge, Bet Aviv, in Columbia, Maryland.

The following passages are from Dr. Raphael’s book Jews and Judaism in the United States a Documentary History (New York: Behrman House, Inc., Pub, 1983), pp. 14, 23-25.

“Jews also took an active part in the Dutch colonial slave trade; indeed, the bylaws of the Recife and Mauricia congregations (1648) included an imposta (Jewish tax) of five soldos for each Negro slave a Brazilian Jew purchased from the West Indies Company. Slave auctions were postponed if they fell on a Jewish holiday. In Curacao in the seventeenth century, as well as in the British colonies of Barbados and Jamaica in the eighteenth century, Jewish merchants played a major role in the slave trade. In fact, in all the American colonies, whether French (Martinique), British, or Dutch, Jewish merchants frequently dominated.

“This was no less true on the North American mainland, where during the eighteenth century Jews participated in the ‘triangular trade’ that brought slaves from Africa to the West Indies and there exchanged them for molasses, which in turn was taken to New England and converted into rum for sale in Africa. Isaac Da Costa of Charleston in the 1750’s, David Franks of Philadelphia in the 1760’s, and Aaron Lopez of Newport in the late 1760’s and early 1770’s dominated Jewish slave trading on the American continent.”

Dr. Raphael discusses the central role of the Jews in the New World commerce and the African slave trade (pp. 23-25):

SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES
JEWISH INTER ISLAND TRADE
CURACAO, 1656

During the sixteenth century, exiled from their Spanish homeland and hard-pressed to escape the clutches of the Inquisition, Spanish and Portuguese Jews fled to the Netherlands; the Dutch enthusiastically welcomed these talented, skilled businessmen. While thriving in Amsterdam-where they became the hub of a unique urban Jewish universe and attained status that anticipated Jewish emancipation in the West by over a century-they began in the 1500’s and 1600’s to establish themselves in the Dutch and English colonies in the New World. These included Curacao, Surinam, Recife, and New Amsterdam (Dutch) as well as Barbados, Jamaica, Newport, and Savannah (English). In these European outposts the Jews, with their years of mercantile experience and networks of friends and family providing market reports of great use, played a significant role in the merchant capitalism, commercial revolution, and territorial expansion that developed the New World and established the colonial economies. The Jewish-Caribbean nexus provided Jews with the opportunity to claim a disproportionate influence in seventeenth and eighteenth century New World commerce, and enabled West Indian Jewry-far outnumbering its coreligionists further north-to enjoy a centrality which North American Jewry would not achieve for a long time to come.

Groups of Jews began to arrive in Surinam in the middle of the seventeenth century, after the Portuguese regained control of northern Brazil. By 1694, twenty-seven years after the British had surrendered Surinam to the Dutch, there were about 100 Jewish families and fifty single Jews there, or about 570 persons. They possessed more than forty estates and 9,000 slaves, contributed 25,905 pounds of sugar as a gift for the building of a hospital, and carried on an active trade with Newport and other colonial ports. By 1730, Jews owned 115 plantations and were a large part of a sugar export business which sent out 21,680,000 pounds of sugar to European and New World markets in 1730 alone.

Slave trading was a major feature of Jewish economic life in Surinam which as a major stopping-off point in the triangular trade. Both North American and Caribbean Jews played a key role in this commerce: records of a slave sale in 1707 reveal that the ten largest Jewish purchasers (10,400 guilders) spent more than 25 percent of the total funds (38,605 guilders) exchanged.

Jewish economic life in the Dutch West Indies, as in the North American colonies, consisted primarily of mercantile communities, with large inequities in the distribution of wealth. Most Jews were shopkeepers, middlemen, or petty merchants who received encouragement and support from Dutch authorities. In Curacao, for example, Jewish communal life began after the Portuguese victory in 1654. In 1656 the community founded a congregation, and in the early 1670’s brought its first rabbi to the island. Curacao, with its large natural harbor, was the stepping-stone to the other Caribbean islands and thus ideally suited geographically for commerce. The Jews were the recipients of favorable charters containing generous economic privileges granted by the Dutch West Indies Company in Amsterdam. The economic life of the Jewish community of Curacao revolved around ownership of sugar plantations and marketing of sugar, the importing of manufactured goods, and a heavy involvement in the slave trade, within a decade of their arrival, Jews owned 80 percent of the Curacao plantations. The strength of the Jewish trade lay in connections in Western Europe as well as ownership of the ships used in commerce. While Jews carried on an active trade with French and English colonies in the Caribbean, their principal market was the Spanish Main (today Venezuela and Colombia).

Extant tax lists give us a glimpse of their dominance. Of the eighteen wealthiest Jews in the 1702 and 1707 tax lists, nine either owned a ship or had at least a share in a vessel. By 1721 a letter to the Amsterdam Jewish community claimed that “nearly all the navigation…was in the hands of the Jews.”‘ Yet another indication of the economic success of Curacao’s Jews is the fact that in 1707 the island’s 377 residents were assessed by the Governor and his Council a total of 4,002 pesos; 104 Jews, or 27.6 percent of the taxpayers, contributed 1,380 pesos, or 34.5 percent of the entire amount assessed.

In the British West Indies, two 1680 tax lists survive, both from Barbados; they, too, provide useful information about Jewish economic life. In Bridgetown itself, out of a total of 404 households, 54 households or 300 persons were Jewish, 240 of them living in “ye Towne of S. Michael ye Bridge Town.” Contrary to most impressions, “many, indeed, most of them, were very poor.” There were only a few planters, and most Jews were not naturalized or endenizened (and thus could not import goods or pursue debtors in court). But for merchants holding letters of endenization, opportunities were not lacking. Barbados sugar-and its by-products rum and molasses-were in great demand, and in addition to playing a role in its export, Jewish merchants were active in the import trade. Forty-five Jewish households were taxed in Barbados in 1680, and more than half of them contributed only 11.7 percent of the total sum raised. While the richest five gave almost half the Jewish total, they were but 11.1 percent of the taxable population. The tax list of 1679-80 shows a similar picture; of fifty-one householders, nineteen (37.2 percent) gave less than one-tenth of the total, while the four richest merchants gave almost one-third of the total.

An interesting record of inter island trade involving a Jewish merchant and the islands of Barbados and Curacao comes from correspondence of 1656. It reminds us that sometimes the commercial trips were not well planned and that Jewish captains-who frequently acted as commercial agents as well-would decide where to sell their cargo, at what price, and what goods to bring back on the return trip